29. apr. 2012

Recenzija albuma 'Featherbrain' Hanne Hukkelberg

Hanne Hukkelberg: Featherbrain (2012, Propeller Recordings)

Jutri se v Cankarjev dom vrača Hanne Hukkelberg, norveška pevka in glasbenica, ki je pred petimi leti prav tam na Drugi godbi predstavljala svoj drugi album Rykestrasse 68. Z njim si je v alter pop in jazzovskih krogih utrdila sloves izjemno nadarjene in izvirne ustvarjalke; sloves, ki jo je spremljal že od prvenca Little Things, izdanega leta 2005. 

Recenzija v celoti.


Prva objava 23. aprila ob 19:00, ponovitev 1. maja ob 00:30 v Tolpi bumov na Radiu Študent.

19. apr. 2012

Dva nova intervjuja / Two new interviews

























On March 9th 2012, as part of the Bring In Take Out - Living Archive project, hosted by Red Dawns festival, I was interviewed by Ana Vilenica. The video interview consists of three parts; in the first, I talk about collaborative writing and feminist science fiction, in the second about why we need feminist and queer counterpublics, and in the final part, I talk about the collaboration between Red Dawns festival and Living Archive. The interview was recorded and edited by Ana Čigon.

V zadnji številki revije Tribuna (april 2012), ki se posveča prostoru oziroma teritorijem, lahko preberete intervju, v katerem o festivalu Rdeče zore govorim kot o feministično-queerovski javnosti v nastajanju. Intervju je naslovljen Že odločitev, da boš pristopila zraven, je v danih političnih razmerah politično dejanje (PDF, str. 12-13). Ilustrirala ga je Ana Baraga, ki je poskrbela tudi za celostno podobo letošnjih Rdečih zor.

16. apr. 2012

Knjižni šprint: predstavitev skupinsko napisanega kataloga

(English version below)

V četrtek, 19. aprila ob 19. uri vas vabimo v Galerijo Škuc na Ljudmilin večer ob zaključku razstave Za živ(al)ce v realnem času, ko bomo predstavili tudi katalog razstave, ki je nastal pretekli vikend na knjižnem šprintu z uporabo odprtokodnega spletnega orodja za tisk na zahtevo, booki.cc, in uživali v avdiovizualnem performansu Theremidi Orchestra: Antene ZA vse.




Booktype, skupinsko pisanje kataloga ob razstavi Za živ(al)ce v realnem času
Knjižni šprint
Booktype je brezplačno odprtokodno spletno orodje, ki piscem, organizacijam in skupnostim omogoča skupinsko urejanje, pisanje in produkcijo knjig v formatih za tisk na zahtevo in e-knjig za skoraj vse bralnike. Booktype dopušča skupinsko urednikovanje in pisanje knjig, ki ga je možno enostavno izvoziti v tiskanje na zahtevo ali v bralnike. Booktype rešuje probleme s formatiranjem ali oblikovanjem iste knjige za 5 različnih aplikacij; to orodje ponuja vse, kar potrebujemo pri izdaji digitalnih kopij. Booktype izhaja iz orodja za pisanje priročnikov za odprto programje (FLOSS), pri katerem kot razvijalec sodeluje tudi Luka Frelih (Ljudmila). Beta verzijo tega orodja Booki.cc sta slovenski publiki prvič predstavila njegova avtorja Adam Hyde in Aleksandar Erkalović junija 2011 v Mestni galeriji Ljubljana v okviru razstave Powered by Ljudmila. Ljudmila se je odločila, da oblikuje skupnost, ki bo aktivno uporabljala orodje Booktype in razvijala njegove možnosti rabe, tudi v Ljubljani. Cilj je podpreti založniške projekte neodvisnih založnikov, kakor tudi organizacij, ki se prvotno ne vidijo kot založniki.

Knjižni šprint je družabni dogodek, ki lahko traja od dveh dni do enega tedna. V tem času udeleženci šprinta napišejo, uredijo, lektorirajo, oblikujejo in izdajo spletno ali tiskano verzijo knjige. Na podlagi brezplačne in odprtokodne spletne platforme Booktype se je zbrala skupina piscev, kritikov, umetnikov in udeležencev delavnic, ki so povezani z Ljudmilo in v tridnevni seansi skupinsko izdelala katalog k razstavi. Pri nastajanju kataloga smo sodelovali: Urban Belina, Tina Dolinšek, Ida Hiršenfelder, Tea Hvala, Miha Kelemina, Ivana Naceva, Alenka Pirman, Dare Pejić, Robertina Šebjanič, Blaž Tlaker in Jasmina Založnik.

Spletna verzija kataloga: http://www.booki.cc/za-zivalce-v-realnem-casu/test1/ 


Theremidi Orchestra: Antene ZA vse
Theremidi Orchestra (TO) se uči izdelave naprav, stopa daleč stran od obstoječih vmesnikov in slik, oživlja antene, ki so zastarele v času televizijskih uporabniških paketov. Radijska frekvenca je še vedno tam zunaj in včasih se orkestru posreči ujeti njeno hreščavo sneženje. TO navdušuje razvoj najnovejših naprav, a ne za uporabo v predvidene namene, temveč da bi raziskali njihove potenciale pri proizvajanju brnenja, zavijanja in piskanja. Privlači jih vse kar proizvaja elektromagnetno polje. Naredi-sam teremini so nepredvidljivi in bazični, a kljub temu ponujajo število zvokov s povezovanjem na najbolj nepričakovane antene: od prevodnega črnila do dežnikov, žičnatih račk, prezračevalnikov, cvetlic in odpadnega železa. Antene ZA vse! je družbeni klic za pravice do govora in do tega, da se človeka sliši iz zloščenega žlobudranje hegemonske volilne demokracije. V njem nastopajo individualci, ki se obnašajo aktivno in kolektivno. Theremidi Orchestra sestavljajo udeleženci delavnice TEREMINI in TEREMIDI fizični vmesnik, ki je potekala na LJUDMILI, ljubljanskem laboratoriju za digitalne medije in kulturo v maju 2011, pod mentorstvom Boruta Savskega. Po mnogih negotovih, a navdušenih otroških korakih v piskajoče elektromagnetno polje, se je orkestru pridružil tudi sam mentor. V Galeriji Škuc bodo z doma »spajkanimi« prostimi elektronskimi teremini in zvočnimi ojačevalci razpirali nežnohrupne krajine Tina Dolinšek, Dare Pejić, Dušan Zidar, Borut Savski, Saša Spačal, Ida Hiršenfelder, Robertina Šebjanič, Luka Frelih in Matic Urbanija.

Podrobnosti o razstavi Za živ(al)ce v realnem času najdete v priponki in povezavi: http://www.galerija.skuc-drustvo.si/skuc2.html

Producent in koproducent
Galerija ŠKUC http://www.galerija.skuc-drustvo.si/
LJUDMILA – Ljubljanski laboratorij za digitalne medije in kulturo pri KUD France Prešeren Trnovo

*

You are cordially invited to ŠKUC Gallery on Thursday, April 19 at 7 pm for the closure of Ljudmila’s exhibition Real Time Settings for Ner[d/ve]s. We are going to present the exhibition catalogue, written collaboratively this past weekend during Book Sprint using free software for publishing on demand booki.cc, followed by audiovisual performance by Theremidi Orchestra: Antennas FOR All.


Booktype, collaborative writing of the exhibition catalogue
Book Sprint

Booktype is a free, open source platform that allows collaborative editing and writing for organisations and communities to produce books formatted for print on-demand, e-books and almost any e-reader. Booktype does this by formatting or designing the same book in 5 different applications; everything needed for publishing digital copy is provided by the one tool. Booktype was developed from a system for writing manuals for open programming (FLOSS), on which Luka Frelih (Ljudmila) worked as one of the developers. A beta version of the tool Booki.cc was first presented to a Slovene audience at City Gallery Ljubljana in June 2011 by its creators Adam Hyde and Aleksandar Erkalović during the Powered by Ljudmila exhibition. Ljudmila and its team were intrigued by the possibilities of this open source online software tool that facilitates the production of books through simple and effective publishing techniques, and decided to initiate the Booki community in Ljubljana. The aim of the Booktype project is to open up publishing for independent publishers, and also for organizations that do not primarily see themselves as publishers.

A book sprint is a social event that can last from about two to seven days. In this time, an entire publication is written, edited, proof-read, designed and published in an on-line or printed version. A team of writers, critics, artists, and workshop participants affiliated with Ljudmila got together for a three-day session and produced an exhibition catalogue on the Booktype free and open source web platform.

Theremidi Orchestra: Antennas FOR all
Theremidi Orchestra wants to learn how to make gadgets on their own, to move far away from existing interfaces and images. In a time of television user packages, it brings obsolete antennas back to life. The radio frequency is still out there, and sometimes the orchestra gets lucky and catches a glimpse of its scratchy hum. TO are absolutely fascinated by the development of the newest gadgets, not for their intended purpose, but to explore their potential to produce the humming, glissandos and squeaks of the theremin and electromagnetic pulses. DIY theremins are unpredictable and basic. Nevertheless, they offer a multitude of sounds if they are connected to the most unexpected antennas, from conductive ink to umbrellas, wire ducklings, air tubes, flowers, and scrap metal.

 Details about the exhibition: http://www.galerija.skuc-drustvo.si/skuc2.html

Truly Fantastic: Domestic labour union revolution in the Netherlands

At the end of last year, after additional “belt-tightening”, a new wave of strikes and pickets began. After heated debates and countless smaller actions, after seven rounds of unsuccessful negotiations and mass rallies in all major Dutch cities (called “Angry Marches” and “Marches for Respect”), on February 27th 2012, around 2000 cleaners occupied the University of Utrecht with the support of students. Like many other public institutions, the universities had began to cut spending “at the bottom”.

February this year saw the conclusion of a large two-year project by Casco, the Dutch Office For Art, Design and Theory, called the Grand Domestic Revolution. It included a group art exhibition, artist residences, public interventions and a string of collaborations between artists, theoreticians and activists. It closed with the Futurist Writing School, a week-long workshop in which a dozen attendees tried to join their forces in writing a novel, dedicated to the main issues of the Grand Domestic Revolution: a more equal sharing of domestic and care work, the legal and social recognition of paid domestic labour, architectural innovations for easier communal living, collective urban design, urban gardening, the right to use unmaintained or abandoned private property, the sharing of intellectual property, bartering, and the improvement of relationships on the level of (extended) families, residential communities and neighbourhoods.

Our literary venture was ambitious even by science fiction standards, not to mention the standards of actually existing politics. The curators’ (Binna Choi and Maiko Tanaka) request that the narrative should portray a near future that most of us would live to see (Utrecht in 2032), alleviated my fears since I had been afraid that I wouldn't be able to stand up to the challenge of a more long-term vision. How could I, I wondered during my trip to the Netherlands, when I live from day to day, from hand to mouth? At the same time, the decision to write about a future only twenty years away disappointed me, as I was reminded that my feeling of powerlessness wasn't mine alone.

I thought of Luisa Passerini’s essay “Utopia” and Desire (2002) where she compared the European perception of utopia after the year 1968 with the one that emerged after the year 1989 when the discourse about the “death of utopia” and the “end of history” became quite common . She wrote that the social movements of 1968 did not understand the subjects of history exclusively as subjects of action and knowledge but also as subjects of desire. Activists of both genders could hope for a better future and “demand the impossible”, because they decided that the object of desire counted less than the state of desire. Instead of a politics that would gravitate towards the fulfilment of needs, they advocated a politics that would demand more and more after every activist victory; they would demand something that no one had achieved before. In accordance with the pessimist belief that the future cannot not be different from the past or the present, the neo-conservative ideology of the early 1990s dismissed the utopian political imagination as something impossible or even absurd. Luisa Passerini concluded that in these conditions, utopian thought survived only in the shape of “nostalgia for rebellion [that] looks more to the past than to the future, it is a memory more than a hope; hope is mentioned but remains vague and unexpressed”.

In Utrecht, our writing was based on the exhibits, past public interventions, existing debates and tried and true social experiments, but the collective phrasing of such a wide field nevertheless – and despite the not-so-distant future setting – turned out to be too difficult. We were constantly carried away into fantasy, into scenarios that failed to establish a cognitive distance from the here and now (which is one of the definitions of speculative literature). On the contrary, our writing was based on free association, playing with genre conventions and escapism. So instead of writing about the mechanical glasshouse (the Meal Machine by Doris Denekamp and Arend Groosman, that simplifies the cultivation of vegetables), Experimental Kitchen Pharmacy (for which the artist Wietske Maas collected and processed a number of local medicinal herbs, following the advice of neighbours), housekeeping robots, the collectivization of routine domestic chores ( Kateřine Šedá’s project There's Nothing There), uninvited read-ins in people's living rooms and speaking trumpets (portable megaphones, made from recycled waste), we wrote about post-gender astronauts, cloning, cryogenics, cannibalism, mutations, lab-grown food and a ruling coalition, consisting of seventy-four parties that frolic on picnics while Utrecht slowly sinks into a toxic sea. Domestic revolution? No sight of it.

After two such sessions I began to ask myself who had stolen our utopian imagination. Was it Hollywood and its apocalyptic exploitation of science fiction, was it dishonest gibberish about sustainability or was it conservative politics – the only politics that still dares to call upon the benefit of “future generations”? Or did we take hope away from ourselves when we started thinking only about ourselves and the things that are within our reach? How can we save ourselves from the deterministic understanding of history, how can we resist generalizations and instead, raise a toast to the future perceived as a promise of surprise, as something unpredictable, unique and unrepeatable? How can our stories accommodate actually existing grandpas and grandmas who do not want to be associated with a future, filled with individual endings, but continue to tend to the orchard, the fruits of which they'll never taste?

Since I am used to Slovene ideas about what's possible, the real surprise came the next evening, when Casco was hosting the founder of the labour union of United Migrant Domestic Workers in the Netherlands (UMDW), Coring delos Reyes. By the way, the term “domestic work” includes all chores that are performed in the home of the employer, usually cleaning and washing clothes, babysitting, caring for the sick and elderly, shopping, cooking, small repairs, maintenance work and gardening. The UMDW union uses the English term “domestic work” and the Dutch term “schoonmakers” (“cleaners”, literally “beautifiers”) as synonyms for the above-mentioned feminized, undervalued and underpaid work, which is carried out at home, but also in private companies and public institutions. Both in the Netherlands and in Slovenia, domestic work continues to be largely performed by members of the most vulnerable social groups; by migrants and (older) women.

When Coring delos Reyes moved from the Philippines to the Netherlands in search of employment fifteen years ago she realized that – being an unregistered migrant – she couldn't even open a bank account. Because Dutch households that don't hire help more than three times per week don't have to register the payments with the tax office, she could get work on the black market. Nevertheless she couldn't rent an apartment, because the landlords are obliged to register their tenants. Due to strict laws tenants must provide their landlord with personal identification, the residence permit as well as the number of their bank account.

In 2002 she joined a cooperative which lent money to unregistered migrants with low interest rates. Four years later she founded the UMDW, which took the goal of protecting all migrant domestic workers regardless of their gender or legal status, no matter whether they worked in households, private companies or the public sector, and no matter whether they worked directly for an employer or through an outsourcing agency (a cleaning service). The self-organized and legally unrecognised labour union began collecting money through donations and founded several solidarity funds for deported workers, for emergency assistance (usually to pay for medical assistance to workers without a health insurance), for education and recreation. Because of their status and because they wanted to protect their members’ anonymity, the UMDW wired money to them through registered non-governmental organisations. Later, together with other migrant groups and unions, they started to educate and mobilize non-unionised workers and offer them a support system that included micro-credits as well as legal help.

Khadija Tahiri-Hyati, the president of the Schoonmakers labour union, who works as a cleaning lady in one of Amsterdam's hospitals stressed that even the cleaners with a contract and residence permit don't have it easy in the Netherlands: “The work that used to be done by eight people must now be done by four!” At the end of the 1990s, during the privatisation of the service sector, a fight broke out between the biggest agencies (Hago, Facilicom, Asito and ISS – the latter employs around 1300 workers in Slovenia as well, 90% of whom are women) in which the employees obviously took most of the beating. The lowering of hourly rates, raising norms (shorter times for cleaning larger areas) and cutting compensations for medical leave hit the cleaners in private companies first. With the economic crisis and austerity measures (freezing salaries in the public sector) the next in line were the employees who did maintenance work for governmental companies, public institutions and local municipalities.

In the summer of 2009, Schoonmakers and UMDW started a campaign to improve working conditions, raise the hourly rates and achieve paid sick leave.(1) At first, the Schoon genoeg! (“Quite enough!”, literally “Clean enough!”) campaign was met with resentment in the public sector because of the frozen salaries. The large unions, known for their careful negotiation tactics, also remained silent. In April 2010,(2) when the cleaners of the Dutch Railways decided to go on strike, a story began that, as mentioned, sounds rather fantastic from the Slovene perspective. The strike began with the physical occupation of the railway station in Utrecht, the busiest station in the country. Around 1500 contract workers came to work but instead of cleaning they sat in the station in the style of the Occupy! movement and unfolded their picket signs.(3) Three days later, the passengers had to try really hard to avoid the piles of trash and the question of what was going on. After six(4) days the leaders of the cleaning company and the railways agreed to negotiations during which the unions, speaking on behalf of around 150 000 workers, demanded – and after nine weeks achieved – a new collective contract. The contract included a 2.75% raise of the hourly rate, paid sick leave from the first day of absence from work, a paid course in Dutch for foreigners and the chance to attend vocational training. The cleaning company lost a legal battle and had to rehire the employees fired during the strike. Furthermore, the responsibility to sustain the newly gained working conditions is now equally shared between the outsourcing agency and the railway company, which practically means that neither can alleviate the higher costs of work by raising norms and putting a larger burden on the cleaners.

The strike was exceptional even by Dutch standards. Firstly, because the majority of the strikers consisted of the most vulnerable groups of workers; of migrants and women. Secondly, because the strike was advocating the rights of precarious workers, hired by outsourcing agencies, and because it was organised by two grassroots unions that received the support of legally and publicly recognised unions only after the negotiations. Schoonmakers and UMDW connected with Abvakabo/FNV and(5) FNV Bondgenoten, the latter of which represents around 470 000 workers from the service, industrial, metallurgic, agricultural, technical and transport sectors and is thus the largest Dutch union. Its speciality (and from the Slovene point of view another fantastic move) is that it represents temporary contract workers alongside permanent employees. Last but not least, the strike was exceptional because it succeeded. Historians say that such a strong movement had not been seen in the Netherlands since the year 1933, when dock workers decided they had had enough. This claim is supported by the fact that the achieved rights gave momentum to other workers: soon after the railway cleaners, the sanitation workers of Utrecht and Amsterdam went on strike for an “indefinite period of time”. Even though they work for local municipalities (the “frozen” public sector), the strike ended in ten days with a 1.5% raise for around 200 000 workers.

At the end of last year, after additional “belt-tightening”, a new wave of strikes and pickets began. After heated debates and countless smaller actions, after seven rounds of unsuccessful negotiations and mass rallies in all major Dutch cities (called “Angry Marches” and “Marches for Respect”), on February 27th 2012, around 2000 cleaners occupied the University of Utrecht with the support of students. Like many other public institutions, the universities had began to cut spending “at the bottom”. On March 5th, the occupation of the De Vrije Universiteit in Amsterdam followed. The workers are demanding a new collective contract which includes the right to employment for indefinite time after nine months of contract work, the inclusion of domestic workers who work in the private sphere (at home) in the collective contract, the raise of the hourly wage rate for 50 cents, paid sick leave, the right to learn Dutch during work, paid travel expenses, a paid vacation, a 2 € bonus for working in several buildings in one day (or twice a day in the same building), an annual bonus of 300 € for full-time workers (and a proportionally smaller amount for part-time workers), penalties for employers who don't pay on time or pay the wrong amount, mandatory consultation between the employer and the union before the former decides to fire someone, better retirement conditions as well as the employers monthly contribution of 4 € per worker to the labour union.

The situation in Slovenia is not comparable to that in the Netherlands. In Slovenia, the majority of domestic workers, care workers and cleaners who work in the private sphere are paid in cash on hand, and new employers are sought out in informal ways. Despite this circumstance, these workers and contract workers who are “rented out” to companies and public institutions by cleaning agencies, could identify with the demands of UMDW and Schoonmakers easily, given that they work in similarly precarious conditions. After all, the structure of the employees is very similar as well: according to Zdenka Šadl’s study (2006), the majority of domestic workers consists of jobless women, poorly paid employed women, working class women, migrants and younger retired women. In other words: women living on the edge of poverty.

How to organize paid domestic workers in Slovenia when even unpaid chores performed by housewives or unpaid reproductive labour has yet to enter the realm of public debates and general concerns? At this point, the obstacles seem insurmountable. First of all: how to mobilize exhausted and overworked workers for activism? Second: how to connect workers who work for different wages, under different conditions and under different contracts for a wide range of employers and agencies? Third: how can a rebellion be initiated by the most vulnerable groups of workers, who live with the awareness of being disposable on the labour market and the knowledge that the employers have a ready-made answer to all forms of protest: “If you don't like it here you are free to leave”. Finally, the revolution, started by unionised migrant domestic workers in the Netherlands sounds truly fantastic to us in Slovenia because even our union leaders claim – let me quote Lidija Jerkič, the (female!) president of SKEI (union of workers in the metallurgic and electroindustrial sector) – that “women should blame themselves for the position they're in”.

It seems the time is ripe for a politics that will demand something nobody in Slovenia has achieved yet; time for utopian political imagination and “the impossible” struggle.  

First published here

The corrections and comments below were provided by Rebeca Pabon (FNV Bondgenoten).

(1) In the strikes of 2010 and 2012, respect was the most widely discussed demand by the workers and the media.
(2) The central train station in Utrecht was a strategic place for the occupation because all trains in The Netherlands pass through it. During the first cleaners' action in 2007, the main target was Schipol Airport (Amsterdam) because many workers there are politically active (and unionized) and because the cleaning agencies consider Schipol to be a very important client.
(3) In 2010, domestic workers participated in the action but did not stay at the station overnight. Compared to the 2010 strike, when both the domestic workers and the unions were hesitant about joining the action due to the risks it implied, many more domestic workers were mobilized in 2012. They participated in all actions during the 2012 strike which lasted for 105 days, including the occupations of universities in Amsterdam and Utrecht. You can read more about the reasons for occupying the universities in the article Struggles intersect at uni occupation in Amsterdam written by Donya Alinejad. 
(4) Negotiations started on the 5th day of the strike. 
(5) Schoonmakers and domestic workers connected with FNV Bondgenoten only. Abvakabo/FNV was not involved. 

15. apr. 2012

Resnično fantastično: sindikalna gospodinjska revolucija na Nizozemskem

Konec lanskega leta, po dodatnem »zategovanju pasov«, se je začel nov val protestov in stavk. Po burnih debatah in neštetih manjših akcijah, sedmih krogih neuspešnih pogajanj in množičnih zborovanjih v vseh večjih nizozemskih mestih (»Jezni pohodi« in »Pohodi za spoštovanje«), se je 27. februarja letos okrog 2000 čistilk in čistilcev ob podpori študentov odločilo za zasedbo Univerze v Utrechtu, ki je tako kot druge javne ustanove začela varčevati »pri dnu«.


Nizozemski Urad za umetnost, oblikovanje in teorijo Casco je februarja letos zaključil obsežen dveletni projekt Vélika gospodinjska revolucija (Grand Domestic Revolution), ki je vključeval skupinsko razstavo, umetniške rezidence, javne intervencije in vrsto sodelovanj med umetniki, teoretiki in aktivisti. Zaključil se je s Šolo futurističnega pisanja, enotedensko delavnico, na kateri je dvanajst udeleženk in udeležencev s skupnimi močmi skušalo napisati roman, posvečen glavnim razsežnostim Vélike gospodinjske revolucije: enakopravnejši delitvi neplačanega domačega, družinskega in gospodinjskega dela, pravnemu in družbenemu priznanju plačanega gospodinjskega dela, arhitekturnim inovacijam za lažje sobivanje v stanovanjskih skupnostih, skupnostnemu načrtovanju in oblikovanju prostora, urbanemu vrtnarstvu, pravici do uporabe nevzdrževanih in zapuščenih nepremičnin v zasebni lasti, deljenju intelektualne lastnine, blagovni menjavi in izboljševanju medosebnih odnosov na ravni (razširjenih) družin, stanovanjskih skupnosti in sosesk.

Literarni podvig, ki je ambiciozen že po znanstvenofantastičnih merilih, kaj šele po realno-političnih, smo sodelujoči na željo kustosinj umestili v Utrecht leta 2032. Dejstvo, da sta se Binna Choi in Maiko Tanaka odločili za obravnavo bližnje prihodnosti, ki jo bo večina od nas doživela, je ublažilo moj strah; bala sem se namreč, da zadani vizionarski nalogi ne bom kos. Kako le, sem razmišljala na poti na Nizozemsko, ko pa živim iz dneva v dan, iz rok v usta? Istočasno me je odločitev za pisanje o prihodnosti, oddaljeni komaj dvajset let, razočarala in opomnila, da moj občutek nemoči ni zgolj moj. Spomnila me je na ugotovitve Luise Passerini, zgodovinarke, ki je v eseju "Utopija" in želja (2008) primerjala evropsko razumevanje utopije po letu 1968 s tistim, ki se je pojavilo po letu 1989, ko se je začelo govoriti o "smrti utopije" in "koncu zgodovine". Družbena gibanja leta 1968, je zapisala, subjektov zgodovine niso obravnavala izključno kot subjektov akcije in vednosti, temveč tudi kot subjekte želje. Aktivisti in aktivistke so lahko upali v boljšo prihodnost in zahtevali "nemogoče", ker so sklenili, da objekt želje šteje manj od stanja želje. Namesto politike, ki bi težila k zadovoljevanju potreb, so zagovarjali politiko, ki je po vsaki aktivistični zmagi zahtevala več; tisto, česar še nihče ni dosegel. V zgodnjih devetdesetih je neokonservativna ideologija v skladu s pesimističnim prepričanjem, da prihodnost ne more biti drugačna od preteklosti ali sedanjosti, utopično politično domišljijo zavrgla kot nekaj nemogočega, celo absurdnega. V teh razmerah, je sklenila Luisa Passerini, je utopična misel preživela samo v obliki "nostalgije po vstaji (...), ki zre bolj v preteklost kakor v prihodnost in je spomin, ne toliko upanje: upanje je nakazano, a ostaja nejasno in neizraženo".

V Utrechtu smo se pri pisanju oprli na razstavljene predmete, pretekle javne intervencije, obstoječe razprave in preizkušene socialne eksperimente, a se je kolektivna ubeseditev tako širokega polja kljub temu - in kljub bližnjemu dogajalnemu času - izkazala za preveč zahtevno. Nehote nas je odnašalo v fantazijske scenarije, ki niso temeljili na vzpostavljanju miselne distance do tukajšnje in zdajšnje resničnosti, od koder bi bilo o njej mogoče razmišljati drugače (kar je ena od definicij spekulativne literature), temveč na prostem asociiranju, poigravanju z žanrskimi pravili in eskapizmu. Tako smo namesto o mehaničnem rastlinjaku (Meal Machine umetnikov Doris Denekamp in Arenda Groosmana, ki poenostavi pridelavo zelenjave), Eksperimentalni domači lekarni (za katero je umetnica Wietske Maas na priporočilo sosedov zbrala in predelala vrsto zdravilnih rastlin, ki rastejo v bližnji okolici), gospodinjskih robotih, kolektivizaciji rutinskih domačih opravil (projekt There's Nothing There umetnice Kateřine Šedá), bralnih intervencijah na domu (pri sosedih - in z njimi - v organizaciji kolektiva Read-In) ter Govoreči trobenti (prenosnem megafonu, narejenem iz odpadnih materialov) raje pisali o postspolnih astronavtih, kloniranju, kriogeniki, kanibalizmu, mutacijah, laboratorijskem gojenju hrane in štiriinsedemdesetčlanski vladajoči koaliciji, ki se zabava na piknikih, medtem ko se Utrecht zaradi klimatskih sprememb počasi ugreza v toksično morje. O gospodinjski revoluciji ne duha ne sluha.

Po dveh takšnih seansah pisanja sem se začela spraševati, kdo nam je ukradel utopično domišljijo. Holivudska apokaliptična eksploatacija znanstvene fantastike, neiskrene govorance o trajnostnem razvoju ali konservativna politika, ki se še edina drzne sklicevati na dobro "bodočih rodov"? Ali pa smo si upanje vzeli kar sami, v trenutku ko smo začeli misliti samo nase, in na tisto, kar je na dosegu naših rok? Kako naj se rešimo determinističnega pojmovanja zgodovine, kako naj se upremo posploševanju in namesto tega nazdravimo prihodnosti kot obetu presenečenja, kot nečemu nepredvidljivemu, enkratnemu in neponovljivemu? Kako naj v naših zgodbah napravimo prostor za resnične dedke in babice, ki nočejo imeti opravka s prihodnostjo, posejano z individualnimi konci, in zato še naprej vzgajajo sadno drevje, čigar sadov ne bodo nikoli užili?

Za slovenske predstave o tem, kaj je mogoče, me je resnično fantastično presenečenje pričakalo naslednji večer, ko je Casco gostil ustanoviteljico sindikata Združenih migrantskih gospodinjskih delavk in delavcev na Nizozemskem (United Migrant Domestic Workers in the Netherlands ali UMDW), gospo Coring delos Reyes. Mimogrede, izraz "gospodinjsko delo" na prvi pogled ni najbolj primeren prevod izraza "domestic work". Pri nas stroka ločuje med domačim, družinskim in gospodinjskim delo, ki je običajno plačano, če ga opravlja najeta delavka (redkeje delavec), in neplačano, če ga opravljajo družinske članice ali sorodnice. Omenjene kategorije zajemajo vsa opravila, ki potekajo na domu (plačnika), najpogosteje čiščenje in pranje perila, varovanje otrok, starejših in obolelih, nakupovanje, kuhanje, mala popravila in vzdrževalna dela ter vrtnarjenje. V sindikatu UMDW se angleški izraz "domestic work" in nizozemski izraz "schoonmakers" ("čistilci", dobesedno pa "tisti, ki lepšajo") uporabljata kot sopomenki za našteta feminizirana, podcenjena in podplačana dela, ki potekajo na domu, pa tudi v podjetjih in javnih ustanovah. Ker jih še vedno po večini opravljajo migranti in (starejše) ženske, ki spadajo v najranljivejše družbene skupine, je asociacija na nevidnost, ki jo vsebuje izraz "gospodinjsko delo", povsem na mestu.

Coring delos Reyes se je pred petnajstimi leti v iskanju zaposlitve preselila iz Filipinov na Nizozemsko, kjer je ugotovila, da kot nedokumentirana migrantka ne more odpreti niti bančnega računa. Ker gospodinjstvom, ki najamejo delovno silo največ trikrat tedensko, izplačil ni treba prijaviti davčni upravi, se je lahko preživljala z delom na črno. A še vedno ni mogla najeti stanovanja, saj so stanodajalci zaradi stroge zakonodaje prisiljeni prijaviti svoje najemnike. Slednji morajo stanodajalcu poleg osebnega dokumenta in dovoljenja za bivanje predložiti tudi številko svojega bančnega računa. Leta 2002 se je pridružila kooperativi, ki je neprijavljenim migrantom posojala denar z nizko obrestno mero. Čez štiri leta je ustanovila sindikat UMDW, ki si je zadal, da bo ščitil vse migrantske gospodinjske delavke in delavce ne glede na njihov pravni status, ne glede na to, ali delajo v gospodinjstvih, podjetjih ali v javnem sektorju, in ne glede na to, ali delajo neposredno za naročnika ali preko agencije za delo (čistilnega servisa). Samoorganizirani in uradno nepriznani sindikat je z donacijami in solidarnostnimi akcijami začel zbirati denar za pomoč deportiranim delavkam in delavcem, za nujne primere (večinoma za plačilo zdravstvene oskrbe delavcem brez zdravstvenega zavarovanja) in za izobraževanje ter rekreacijo. Zaradi svojega statusa in zagotavljanja anonimnosti svojih članov je UMDW slednjim nakazoval denar prek registriranih nevladnih organizacij. Kasneje je začel sodelovati z drugimi migrantskimi skupinami in sindikati, začel je izobraževati in mobilizirati pred tem nepovezane delavce in jim nuditi podporni sistem, ki je poleg mikrokreditov vključeval tudi pravno pomoč.

Predsednica sindikata Schoonmakers Khadija Tahiri-Hyati, ki dela kot čistilka v eni od amsterdamskih bolnišnic, je poudarila, da na Nizozemskem tudi pogodbenim čistilcem z dovoljenjem za bivanje ali državljanstvom ni lahko: "Delo, ki ga je nekoč opravilo osem ljudi, morajo danes opraviti štirje!". Konec devetdesetih let, ko se je začela privatizacija storitvenega sektorja, se je med največjimi agencijami (Hago, Facilicom, Asito in ISS - slednja v Sloveniji zaposluje okrog 1300 delavcev, od tega 90% žensk) vnel boj za naročnike, v katerem so seveda nastradali delavci. Nižanje urnih postavk, višanje norm (krajši čas za čiščenje vse večjih površin) in ukinjanje nadomestil za bolniški dopust je najprej doletelo čistilke in čistilce v zasebnih podjetjih. Z ekonomsko krizo in varčevalnimi ukrepi (zamrznitev plač v javnem sektorju) so na vrsto prišli delavci, ki so vzdrževali državna podjetja, javne institucije in mestne ulice.

Poleti leta 2009 sta sindikata Schoonmakers in UMDW sprožila kampanjo za izboljšanje delovnih pogojev, dvig urnih postavk in priznanje nadomestila za bolniški dopust.(1) Kampanja Schoon genoeg! (Čisto dovolj! ali Dovolj čisto!) je med zaposlenimi v javnem sektorju zaradi zamrznitve plač sprva naletela na negodovanje. Veliki sindikati, znani po svoji previdni pogajalski politiki, so molčali. Ko so se aprila 2010(2) čistilci in čistilke Nizozemskih železnic odločili za stavko, se je začela odvijati zgodba, ki, kot že rečeno, s slovenske perspektive zveni naravnost fantastično. Stavka se je začela s fizično zasedbo železniške postaje v Utrechtu, najbolj prometne postaje v državi. Okrog 1500 delavcev je prišlo v službo, a namesto da bi začeli čistiti, so v slogu gibanja Occupy! zasedli postajo in razvili svoje transparente.(3) Po treh dneh so se potniki morali že pošteno potruditi, da so se izognili vse večjim kupom smeti in vprašanju, kaj se dogaja. Po šestih(4) dneh sta vodstvi čistilnega servisa in železnic pristali na pogajanja, na katerih sta sindikata v imenu sektorja, ki obsega okrog 150 000 pogodbenih delavcev, zahtevala - in si po devetih tednih tudi izborila - novo kolektivno pogodbo. Pogodba je vključevala 2.75 % povišanje urne postavke, plačan bolniški dopust od prvega dne odsotnosti z dela, dostop do tečajev nizozemščine za tujce in možnost poklicnega usposabljanja. Čistilni servis je moral zaradi izgubljene tožbe ponovno najeti delavce, odpuščene med stavko, z železnicami pa je po novem enako odgovoren za ohranjanje izborjenih delovnih pogojev, kar v praksi pomeni, da zvišanih stroškov dela ne more lajšati z višanjem norm in dodatnim obremenjevanjem čistilk.

Stavka je bila izjemna tudi za nizozemske razmere. Najprej zato, ker so glavnino stavkajočih predstavljale najbolj ranljive skupine delavcev; migranti in ženske. Nadalje zato, ker gre za pogodbene delavce, ki jih najemajo agencije za "zunanje izvajanje dejavnosti" ali "izločanje produkcije" (outsourcing), in zato, ker sta stavko spodbudila samoorganizirana sindikata, ki sta podporo priznanih sindikatov dobila šele po pogajanjih. Povezala sta se s Abvakabo/FNV in(5) FNV Bondgenoten, pri čemer slednji zastopa okrog 470 000 delavk in delavcev iz storitvenega, industrijskega, metalurškega, kmetijskega, tehničnega in transportnega sektorja ter kot tak predstavlja največji nizozemski sindikat. Njegova posebnost (in s slovenske perspektive ponovno fantastična poteza) je, da poleg redno zaposlenih zastopa tudi pogodbene delavce. Nenazadnje je bila stavka izjemna zato, ker je uspela. Zgodovinarji pravijo, da tako močnega gibanja na Nizozemskem niso videli vse od leta 1933, ko je prekipelo pristaniškim delavcem. K tej trditvi je pripomoglo dejstvo, da so izborjene pravice dale upanje in zagon drugim delavcem: za železniškimi čistilci so se za stavko "za nedoločen čas" odločili smetarji iz Utrechta in Amsterdama. Čeprav delajo za mestne oblasti, torej za javni sektor, se je stavka po desetih dneh končala z 1.5% povišico za približno 200 000 smetarjev.

Konec lanskega leta, po dodatnem "zategovanju pasov", se je začel nov val protestov in stavk. Po burnih debatah in neštetih manjših akcijah, sedmih krogih neuspešnih pogajanj in množičnih zborovanjih v vseh večjih nizozemskih mestih ("Jezni pohodi" in "Pohodi za spoštovanje"), se je 27. februarja letos okrog 2000 čistilk in čistilcev ob podpori študentov odločilo za zasedbo Univerze v Utrechtu, ki je tako kot druge javne ustanove začela varčevati "pri dnu". Petega marca je sledila zasedba amsterdamske De Vrije Universiteit. Delavci zahtevajo novo kolektivno pogodbo, ki vključuje pravico do zaposlitve za nedoločen čas po devetih mesecih pogodbenega dela, vključitev delavcev, ki delajo v zasebni sferi (na domu), v kolektivno pogodbo, dvig urne postavke za 50 centov, pravico do nadomestila za bolniški dopust, pravico do učenja Nizozemščine med delovnim časom, plačilo potnih stroškov, plačan dopust, 2 € dodatka za delo v več objektih v enem dnevu (ali dvakrat dnevno v istem objektu), letno izplačilo nagrade v višini 300 € za zaposlene za polni delovni čas (in proporcionalno manjši znesek za tiste, ki delajo za polovičnega), kazni za plačnike, ki zamujajo s plačilom ali nakažejo napačen znesek, obvezno posvetovanje delodajalca s sindikatom, preden se prvi odloči za odpuščanje, poleg ugodnejših pogojev za upokojitev pa zahtevajo tudi, da delodajalec za vsakega delavca sindikatu nakaže mesečni prispevek v višini 4 €.

Razmere v Sloveniji niso primerljive z Nizozemskimi, saj pri nas večina plačanih gospodinj in čistilk, ki delajo v zasebni sferi, plačilo prejema "na roko", pri čemer nove delodajalce pridobivajo po neformalnih poteh. Kljub temu bi se skupaj s pogodbenimi delavkami, ki jih podjetjem in javnim ustanovam "oddajajo" čistilni servisi, lahko poistovetile z zahtevami sindikatov UMDW in Schoonmakers, saj delajo v podobno prekernih razmerah. Nenazadnje je podobna tudi struktura ponudnic dela: v Sloveniji po študiji Zdenka Šadl (2006) prevladujejo brezposelne ženske, slabo plačane zaposlene, ženske iz delavskega razreda, priseljenke in mlajše upokojenke. Drugače rečeno: ženske, ki živijo na robu revščine.

Razmišljanje o tem, kako organizirati plačane gospodinjske delavke - o neplačanih gospodinjah oziroma reproduktivnih delavkah se pri nas tako ali tako sploh ne govori - se v Sloveniji ustavi pri ovirah, ki se zdijo nepremostljive. Prvič: kako naj se organizirajo in mobilizirajo delavke, ki zaradi preobremenjenosti in izčrpanosti nimajo časa za aktivizem? Drugič: kako naj se povežejo čistilke in gospodinje, ki za različno plačilo, pod različnimi pogoji in za različne pogodbe delajo za kopico posameznikov in agencij? In tretjič: kako naj se uprejo najbolj ranljive skupine delavk in delavcev, ki živijo z zavestjo o lastni zamenljivosti na trgu dela, in védenjem, da imajo delodajalci za vsak protest že pripravljen odgovor "Če vam tukaj kaj ni prav, lahko še danes odidete". Nenazadnje pa nizozemska sindikalna gospodinjska revolucija v Sloveniji zveni resnično fantastično tudi zato, ker lahko celo iz ust sindikalnih vodij - za primer naj navedem izjavo predsednice sindikata kovinske in elektroindustrije (SKEI) Lidije Jerkič - slišimo, da "smo si ženske za svoj položaj same krive".

Zdi se, da je skrajni čas za politiko, ki bo zahtevala tisto, česar v Sloveniji ni dosegel še nihče. Čas za utopično politično domišljijo in "nemogoči" boj.


Prvič objavljeno na portalu Življenje na dotik.


Spodnje popravke in komentarje je dodala Rebeca Pabon (FNV Bondgenoten).

(1) Leta 2010 in letos je bila najpomembnejša in medijsko najodmevnejša zahteva stavkajočih delavcev zahteva po spoštovanju.
(2)  Glavna železniška postaja v Utrechtu je obveljala za najbolj strateško mesto za zasedbo zato, ker vsi nizozemski vlaki peljejo skoznjo. Med prvo akcijo čistilcev leta 2007 je to vlogo igralo letališče Schipol v bližini Amsterdama, predvsem zato, ker so bili tamkajšnji delavci aktivni in že organizirani v sindikate, in zato, ker je (kar zadeva čistilne servise) Schipol ena od pomembnejših strank.
(3) Leta 2010 so čistilci in čistilke sodelovali v akciji, vendar niso prenočevali na železniški postaji. Tako čistilci kot sindikati so leta 2010 oklevali, ali naj se stavki zaradi visokega tveganja sploh pridružijo, zato je bila udeležba zares množična šele letos. Čistilci so med letošnjo stavko, ki je trajala 105 dni, sodelovali pri vseh akcijah, tudi pri zasedbi univerz v Utrechtu in Amsterdamu. Več o razlogih za zasedbo univerzitetnih poslopij lahko preberete v tem članku (v angleščini).
(4) Pogajanja so se začela po petih, ne po šestih dneh. 
(5) Schoonmakers in gospodinjske delavke ter delavci so se povezali samo s sindikatom FNV Bondgenoten. S sindikatom Abvakabo/FNV niso sodelovali.

9. apr. 2012

Oddaja Sektor Ž: Razlogi za feministične proteste

Razlogov za proteste te dni res ne manjka: komentiramo porazen izid referenduma o novem družinskem zakoniku, obravnavamo javno pismo o premajhni zastopanosti predavateljic in feministične umetnosti na ljubljanski Akademiji za likovno umetnost in oblikovanje, z dr. Mojco Ramšak pa bentimo čez domnevo krivde v novi socialni zakonodaji in kontrolne obiske, ki jih na domu samohranilk in samohranilcev izvaja Center za socialno delo.

V prvi napovedi oddaje sem obljubljala tudi poročilo s četrtkove okrogle mize v Klubu Gromka, kjer so poleg nekdanjih in sedanjih varnostnikov koncerna Sintal o nevzdržnih delovnih pogojih, neučinkovitosti obstoječih sindikatov in zelo težkih začetkih samoorganiziranja delavk in delavcev v podizvajalskih podjetjih spregovorile čistilke in sobarice, ki jih je podjetje Lipica Turizem konec leta 2010 »začasno preneslo« k podjetju Aktiva Čiščenje (več v Dnevniku, 14.3.2012).

Ker je današnja oddaja prekratka za tako kompleksno tematiko, več o tem naslednjič. Danes predvajam samo izjavo čistilke, ki delo, ki so ga nekoč opravile štiri čistilke, že leto dni opravlja sama - in je temu primerno fizično in psihično zlomljena: »Nismo več ljudje. (…) Tako ne gre naprej. In upam, da nihče ni tako visoko, da se ga ne da skrajšat. Ali od spodaj ali od zgoraj. Jaz sem že itak skrajšana, ne obstajam več.«



Oddaja v celoti (7. april 2012, Radio Študent).

18. mar. 2012

Esej o seksizmu in homofobiji na Metelkovi v novem Borcu



V zadnji številki revije za zgodovino, antropologijo in književnost Borec (št. 681-684) je v sklopu Umetnost in stvarnost izšel moj esej "Seksizem in homofobija 'kot po navadi', feminizem 'drugače': AKC Metelkova mesto v očeh organizatork festivala Rdeče Zore".

V sklopu sta izšla tudi eseja Mojce Puncer "Artikulacije prostora, skupnosti, sosedstva – poetike, mikropolitike v sodobni umetnosti: nekaj primerov" in Nene Škerlj "Guernica, guernice in guernice". O boju za javni prostor je v isti številki pisala Lidija Radojević ("Boj za javni prostor kot razredni boj").

Predogled (flipbook)
Predogled (PDF)


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Seksizem in homofobija »kot po navadi«, feminizem »drugače«: 
AKC Metelkova mesto v očeh organizatork festivala Rdeče zore

V eseju z vidika feministk, ki delujejo v Avtonomnem kulturnem centru Metelkova mesto, obravnavam seksizem, homofobijo, moški šovinizem in splošni antifeminizem, ki so najopaznejši, ko »običajno« vzdušje »zmotijo« izrecno feministične, lezbične ali queerovske pobude. K pisanju me je poleg vse pogostejših verbalnih in celo fizičnih napadov na lezbijke na Metelkovi spodbudilo prepričanje, ki vlada tako v medijih kot v alternativni kulturi: da smo ženske in moški v Sloveniji že enakopravni, zato je feminizem »preživeta ideologija«, izključno ženske, feministične in lezbične javnosti pa so v skladu s tem nepotrebne. V eseju trdim nasprotno: da bo potreba po avtonomnih javnostih obstajala, vse dokler se bodo ženske v širši in alternativni javnost spopadale z (ne)formalnimi ovirami. In ker vse kaže, da patriarhalna ideologija v Sloveniji še dolgo ne bo »preživeta«, je zagovor feminističnih, lezbičnih in drugih manjšinskih javnosti zelo aktualen.
Anna Ehrlemark, ena od organizatork feminističnega in queerovskega festivala Rdeče zore, je po petih letih življenja v Ljubljani tukajšnje razmere primerjala s švedskimi in ugotovila, »da je v Sloveniji razumevanje feminizma tako med alternativci kot v mainstreamu izjemno slabo in banalno«.[1] Novinarka Tanja Lesničar Pučko je današnjo situacijo primerjala z osemdesetimi, ko so se na »osvobojenem ozemlju« Ljubljane umetnice in aktivistke začele povezovati v ženske skupine. Zapisala je, da obstoj Mesta žensk in Rdečih zor, festivalov, ki se jima še vedno zdi potrebno promovirati ženske v kulturi, opozarja »na dejstvo, ki je dolga desetletja ostajalo bolj ali manj skrito: da je bil tudi rock (in pozneje punk) pretežno moški, in ne le moški, v veliki meri tudi enako seksističen, kot so bili tisti atki, ki so se jim rockerji upirali, in da se je ženska produkcija znotraj njiju prebijala z enako težavo kot znotraj mainstreamovske kulture«.[2]
Za alternativne javnosti ali »kontrajavnosti«, kot jim pravi politična filozofinja Nancy Fraser, velja, da morajo izpolnjevati notranjo in zunanjo funkcijo, sicer niso javne. Notranjo funkcijo zadovolji obstoj »prostorov za umik ali regrupacijo«,[3] v katerih je mogoče razvijati načine političnega delovanja in govora, ki so po mnenju vpletenih primerni za opredeljevanje njihove identitete, interesov in potreb. Izpolnjevanje zunanje, agitacijske funkcije se prične šele z zagovarjanjem kontrajavnih stališč v širši javnosti. Povedano drugače: vsak protest je obsojen na propad, če ni vpet v prostor, v katerem je prepoznan kot tak, zato alternativne in manjšinske javnosti negujejo svoj prostor in obenem segajo navzven. Nobena, še tako specifična javnost po definiciji ne more biti zaprta vase, ali kot pri nas še vedno radi očitajo predvsem feminističnim in lezbičnim skupinam, »separatistična«. Ironično je, da se očitki o »separatizmu« pojavljajo (tudi) na Metelkovi, ki se je v dolgi zgodovini bojev za uveljavitev prostorskih pravic neinstitucionalne, neodvisne, alternativne ipd. kulture v Ljubljani morala upirati številnim poskusom diskreditacije s strani mestnih oblasti, medijev in okoliških prebivalcev. Bratko Bibič v študiji Hrup z Metelkove (2003) omenja oznake »geto«, »Bronx« in pomensko verigo, ki je »alternativno kulturo« povezala z »alkoholom«; tako naj bi, če izberem primer, ki je zanimiv za kontekst te razprave, po poročanju tednika Mladina prebivalce v bližini Metelkove, kluba K4 in KUD-a France Prešeren najbolj motile »petnajstletne frkljice, ki vreščijo po ulici in se opijajo«.[4] A medtem ko je v dominantni kulturi dvojna morala očitna, se seksizem v alternativni kulturi skriva za deklarirano egalitarnostjo, ki samo na videz »nevtralizira« dejansko neenakost.
Leta 1993 so pri zasedbi opuščene vojašnice na Metelkovi sodelovale ženske, feministične in lezbične skupine, ki so v stavbi Lovci ustanovile Ženski center. Do leta 2000 so v njem delovale skupine Kasandra, Luna, Ženska svetovalnica, Modra, Prenner klub, SOS-telefon in Lilit. V slednji se je oblikovala skupina LL (Lezbična Lilit), ki se je kasneje formalno preselila pod ŠKUC-evo streho, fizično pa je ostala na Metelkovi, kjer še danes »domujeta« edini lezbični klub in edina lezbična knjižnica v Sloveniji. Nataša Serec, ena od pobudnic festivala Rdeče zore in predsednica društva KUD Mreža, se spominja, da so takrat tudi v drugih klubih na Metelkovi (Channel Zero, Gala Hala, Bizarnica pri Mariči) »ključne pozicije zasedale punce, ženske,« ki so bile druga z drugo »solidarne, (…) pripravljene delati zastonj in predane boju za ohranitev Metelkove«.[5] Po drugi strani sta z Dragano Rajković, članico lezbično-feministične skupine Kasandra in soustanoviteljico Rdečih zor, ugotavljali, »da so takrat, ko so prišli novinarji in se je bilo treba pohvaliti, vedno govorili moški, naši kolegi, ki so se raje izpostavljali kot me. (…) In tako sva prišli do festivala. Nam samim, Metelkovkam, sva hoteli dati priložnost, da se izkažemo in pokažemo kot organizatorke, aktivistke in umetnice«.[6]
Po letu 2000 so na Metelkovi nastajale nove skupine: v okviru Škratove čitalnice in [A] Infoshopa sta se oblikovala feministična bralna krožka z anarhističnim predznakom, v okviru aktivističnega Urada za intervencije ženska sekcija, v klubu Monokel je poleg ekipe ŠKUC-LL začela delovati Lezbično-feministična univerza, ki se je kasneje preselila v klub Tiffany, z Monoklom pa so deloma povezani tudi kolektivi Alter Šalter, Vstaja Lezbosov in Female's'cream. (Na Metelkovi št. 6, v »hiši nevladnikov«, so še Lezbična knjižnica, Mednarodni festival sodobne umetnosti Mesto žensk, Mirovni inštitut in nevladne organizacije, ki so izšle iz feminističnih in sorodnih »novih družbenih gibanj« iz osemdesetih). Ker je na Metelkovi svoj prostor našlo toliko skupin, je postala »stična točka« za srečevanja, pogajanja in sodelovanja med posameznicami, ki pred tem niso bile povezane ali sploh niso imele dostopa do feministične infrastrukture in vednosti. Številne feministke so delovale – in danes ni nič drugače – v več skupinah, zato so »združevanje, razhajanje in ponovno združevanje na drugačnih osnovah običajni procesi na teh scenah«.[7] Izjavo Suzane Tratnik, pisateljice, ki je sodelovala v vrsti lezbično-feminističnih pobud, je mogoče prenesti na širšo feministično zgodovino; v (post)jugoslovanskem prostoru jo je po besedah Rade Iveković zaznamovalo »veliko začetkov – v feminizmu se vedno začenja znova. Vsi ti začetki so izjemno pomembni zaradi kontinuitete v diskontinuiteti; omogočajo vam pogled iz nedominantne, nehegemonistične perspektive«.[8] Metelkova torej predstavlja tako prizorišče kot zemljevid »prekinjenih zgodovin« feminističnega in lezbičnega gibanja v Ljubljani.

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V skladu s prepričanjem, da prostor, ki bi bil izvzet iz razmerij moči, od koder bi se bilo mogoče upreti nepravičnosti in zatiranju, ne obstaja, strukturalisti pravijo, da »opozicionalna kultura« ne more imeti mobilizacijskih učinkov, če se pri tem ne opre na že obstoječo politično priložnost. Bratko Bibič zagovarja drugačno stališče; pravi, da je v primeru Metelkove alternativna kultura ustvarila politično priložnost, ki ni samodejno sledila iz političnih sprememb konec osemdesetih, četudi jo je padec berlinskega zidu navdihnil z upanjem. Upor ni bil samodejna posledica »zatiranja«, temveč posledica uspešne politične mobilizacije; agitiranja, izobraževanja in organiziranja. To pomeni, da »nehegemonistične ideje in identitete ne nastanejo onkraj sistema, pa tudi ne iz neke prosto lebdeče opozicijske zavesti, temveč v dolgotrajnih skupnostnih institucijah«,[9] ki so le deloma vpete v dominantno kulturo.
            Mreža za Metelkovo je združevala več sto skupin in posameznikov z različnih področij umetnosti, kulture in družbeno angažiranih gibanj. Bibič meni, da je bila umetniška in kulturna narava boja razumljiva, ker je pobuda za konverzijo vojašnice v kulturni, multikulturni »ex-center« nastala »zaradi velikih prostorskih stisk v iztekajočih se 80. letih razmahnjene produkcije alternativnih, neinstitucionalnih, neodvisnih … (sub)kultur in t.i. 'novih družbenih gibanj'«.[10] Po drugi strani, nadaljuje Bibič, je postal izraz »kulturni aktivizem« za Metelkovo po letu 2000 preozek zaradi organiziranja »protiglobalizacijskih« in protirasističnih debat, manifestacij in drugih javnih akcij »s 'čistim' političnim značajem in sporočilom«.[11] Ker na zgodovino bojev za prostor gledam z vidika feminističnih skupin, kulturni aktivizem vidim (tudi) kot odgovor na institucionalizirano razumevanje politike, ki določene vsebine, taktike in prizorišča upora izključuje kot osebne, zasebne, apolitične ali trivialne. Če nočemo, da načini delovanja, ki se gibljejo med »čisto« umetnostjo in »čisto« politiko, izpadejo iz aktivističnega repertoarja, bo očitno treba spremeniti razumevanje izraza upor, da ta ne bo zajemal samo množičnih protestov proti nepravičnost, temveč tudi voljo do iskanja alternativnih strategij preživetja in sanjarjenje o boljšem svetu. Politični geograf Steve Pile je prepričan, da alternativ ne bo zmanjkalo: »Če obstaja uhojena pot, pot, ki so jo določile tehnologije nadzora in moči, potem bo upor zavil z nje in našel nove poti, nove umestitve in iznašel nove prihodnosti«.[12]
Na Metelkovi so se razvili samoorganizirani in egalitarni načini (so)delovanja, ki so se v osemnajstih letih morali večkrat prilagoditi novim okoliščinam. Vplivali so tudi na delo feminističnih aktivistk, ki so v zborniku intervjujev Rdečke razsajajo![13] opozorile na nekatere slabosti metelkovske kontrajavnosti: Urška Merc je omenila pomanjkanje solidarnosti, Daša Tepina odsotnost trajnejših vezi med različnimi, a sorodnimi skupinami, Jadranka Ljubičič pa prepočasno kroženje funkcij in netransparentnost delovanja. Ana Jereb, Anja Kocman in Lidija Radojević so k temu dodale še seksizem, moški šovinizem in homofobijo oziroma »zmedo«, ki jo na Metelkovi povzroči vidnejša prisotnost feministk in spolnih manjšin. Kljub temu je Metelkova dovolj močna identifikacijska točka, da aktivistke z najdaljšim stažem uporabljajo izraz »me, Metelkovke«. »Metelkovka« in »feministka« sta politični identiteti in kot taki sta »strateški, taktični, mobilni, večplastni, nejasni, okorni in protislovni«.[14] Njuno mesto izrekanja je »vedno parcialno, vedno je za nekatere svetove in proti drugim. Temu kriteriju,« je zapisala Donna Haraway v svojem zagovoru umeščene vednosti, ki vključuje tako kritično refleksijo kot upanje, »se ne da izogniti«.[15]

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Kako feministke vstopajo v Metelkovo mesto in kakšen je odziv? Natančneje, kako sodelavke Rdečih zor, še posebej tiste, ki soustvarjajo več alternativnih javnosti, Metelkovo doživljajo med festivalom? Se kaj spremeni? V intervjujih je prevladalo mnenje, da je med festivalom »drugače«, pri čemer je treba dodati, da so nekatere intervjuvanke odgovarjale v imenu organizacijske ekipe, nekatere so upoštevale redno metelkovsko publiko, nekatere pa obiskovalke, ki na Metelkovo zahajajo samo, ko so na sporedu feministični ali lezbični dogodki. Urška Merc je poleg vseh naštetih upoštevala metelkovske kolektive, ki ne sodelujejo pri organizaciji: »Z metelkovskega vidika Rdeče zore združujejo različna prizorišča in skupine, ker iščejo skupne interese, skupna stališča. Po drugi strani pa jih skupine z drugačnimi interesi, recimo apolitičnimi ali antifeminističnimi, celo komercialnimi, gotovo dojemajo separatistično«.[16] Nataša Serec je povedala, da ne ve, »kaj si o festivalu mislijo Metelkovci. Nikoli nič ne rečejo. (…) Če predlagajo vsebine in podpirajo sodelovanje, to še ne pomeni, da poznamo njihovo stališče«.[17] Teoretičarka, aktivistka in koordinatorka Škratove čitalnice Ana Jereb je dodala, da pri mnogih skupinah »gre bolj za to, da nam odstopijo prostor, ne za dejansko sodelovanje. (…) Z metelkovskega vidika gre pač za enega mnogih festivalov. To me na nek način moti, saj so se Rdeče zore začele zaradi konkretne izkušnje, zato, ker se je na Metelkovi večina dela prenašala na ženske«.[18]
Kljub uspešnim navezam z [A] Infoshopom, klubom Monokel in klubom Tiffany, ki so vključevale tako logistično kot vsebinsko sodelovanje, je festivalska ekipa začutila potrebo po delnem izstopu z Metelkove; najprej zato, ker za določene skupine na Metelkovi »festivalske vsebine niso bile sprejemljive. Če nekdo noče gostiti provokativnih umetniških del, ampak samo 'pozitivna', potem ne vidim razloga, zakaj bi Rdeče zore morale vztrajati pri sodelovanju. Etika je pomembna,«[19] je povedala Jadranka Ljubičič, kustosinja galerije Alkatraz. Njena sodelavka in video umetnica Ana Grobler je kot drugi razlog navedla željo po osvajanju in zasedanju novih prostorov, ki so, je dodala vizualna umetnica Slađana Mitrović, »idealni za promocijo in za to, da se ljudi sooči z nekimi vsebinami.«[20] Slađana je leta 2008 na Rdečih zorah razstavljala z zavestjo, da »moraš sprejeti posledice, saj gre za zelo močno oznako; ljudje te bodo dojemali kot feministko. (…) Feminizem ima močno identifikacijsko vlogo: politično, filozofsko, umetniško«.[21] Je bilo na Metelkovi zato »drugače«?
»Rdeče zore Metelkovo za nekaj dni postavijo na glavo«, je povedala Anna Ehrlemark, »ker je v klubih več lezbijk, več potencialnih lezbijk in festivalsko jedro, ženske, ki si želijo izkazovati podporo, podarjati komplimente, plesati in se pogovarjati«.[22] Vzdušje se spremeni zaradi »udarne prisotnosti žensk in feminizma; tako fizično, v prostorih, kot programsko. Številčnejše smo, šovinizem pa ostaja enak. Po drugem pivu ga slišiš v vsaki šali«,[23] je dodala politologinja in antropologinja Lidija Radojević. Tudi Nataša Serec je menila, da na festivalskih zabavah (v Menzi pri koritu) vlada »povsem drugačna energija, ker je prisotno toliko punc. Običajno na množične plesne večere prihajajo predvsem fantje, kar naenkrat pa je Menza polna punc, ki se družijo. (…) Vzdušje je povsem drugačno. Če je brutalno prekinjeno, razlika postane očitna«.[24] Težave nastopijo pozno ob vikendih, ko se zabavam, ki so odprte za vse, pridruži pretežno moška publika, ki ji ni mar za kontekst, in s svojim obnašanjem (nadlegovanje, kratenje prostora) ženske potisne na rob plesišča. »Umaknile so se na balkon,« je sklenila pripoved Nataša Serec, »in energija se je v trenutku spremenila. Bilo je … kot po navadi«.[25]
Kaj zastopa izraz »kot po navadi«? Lidija Radojević je vprašanje zastavila drugače: »Če smo na Metelkovi res vsi tako odprti, zakaj potem na rednih žurih (…) v Menzi ali Gromki nikoli ne vidiš dveh žensk, ki se poljubljata? Zakaj se to lahko zgodi samo na Rdečih zorah? (…) Gromka, Menza, Gala hala in Channel Zero so prostori, odprti za vse, a tam ne vidiš niti žensk, ki bi se držale za roke«. Poleg tega se »fantje se do nas obnašajo pokroviteljsko – do festivala tudi. Ker smo, v narekovajih, njihove punce, njihove prijateljice, tudi ti, ki nas imajo radi, ne morejo iz lastnega šovinizma, ki je v tej kulturi absolutno dominanten na vseh ravneh; od najnižjega, lumpenproletarskega, do najvišjega, akademskih razsvetljencev.«[26] Festival je provokativen, ker pokaže, da je alternativna kultura kljub svoji navidezni odprtosti vpeta v seksistično in heteronormativno kulturo. O tem pričajo tudi table na metelkovskih dvoriščih, ki obiskovalce in obiskovalke obveščajo, da »homofobija, rasizem, seksizem, pa tudi nadlegovanje delavcev, nastopajočih in drugih obiskovalcev AKC Metelkova mesto, ni zaželeno in ni sprejemljivo«.[27]
Napak bi bilo trditi, da med uporabniki prostorov na Metelkovi ni konsenza o nedopustnosti sovraštva. Tako kot v širši javnosti je tudi v alternativni kulturi najbolj problematičen prepad med formalno in načelno egalitarnostjo na eni strani ter vsakdanjo prakso na drugi. Zato se moramo feministke, ki vztrajamo pri odprtosti, ki »skušamo queerovske koncepte vpeljati v heteroseksualno alternativno kulturo« [28] in izobraževati ljudi vseh spolov in seksualnosti, nehote odpovedovati svoji varnosti. Suzana Tratnik je povedala, da ji kot lezbijki, ki sicer zahaja v Monokel ali Tiffany, Rdeče zore dejansko ponudijo priložnost, da obišče druga prizorišča na Metelkovi, a tudi ona se mora pri tem odpovedati varnosti izključno lezbičnega (in gejevskega) kluba. Medtem ko »običajno« vzdušje na Metelkovi zaznamujeta homofobija in seksizem, feministične in lezbične intervencije pokažejo, da bi bilo lahko tudi drugače.
Med festivalom je drugače, ker je »zastavljen radikalno – v slovenskem kontekstu za to zadostuje, da ima v nazivu besedo feminizem – in naredi korak čez mejo. Tako nekatere ljudi pripelje na rob. (…) Ljudje vzpostavijo distanco.«[29] In če Rdeče zore na Metelkovi učinkujejo kot lakmusov papir za homofobijo in seksizem, je treba poudariti, da vpliv festivala seže preko metelkovskih zidov. Suzana Tratnik je omenila, da se je »z Rdečimi zorami spet začelo govoriti o feminizmu oziroma različnih feminizmih«.[30] Pojasnila je, da je feminizem izginil iz javnega govora z zamrtjem Ženskega centra na Metelkovi, ko so se feministične pobude iz osemdesetih »razpršile« v nevladne organizacije za boj proti nasilju nad ženskami, teoretsko delo, založništvo, v univerzitetne programe, domače raziskave ipd. Tako kot Anna Ehrlemark in Tanja Lesničar Pučko je ugotovila, da sta »to stanje in naša preljuba demokratična ureditev (…) ustvarjala lažen vtis, da feminizma več ne potrebujemo. A ga potrebujemo, četudi morda v nekoliko drugačni obliki«.[31] Aktualna oblika feminizma, ki jo poznamo že iz osemdesetih, je boj za prostore oziroma ustvarjanje feminističnih, lezbičnih in sorodnih kontrajavnosti.
Je festivalu Rdeče zore to uspelo? V svoji magistrski nalogi[32] sem skupaj z intervjuvankami zaključila, da je v tem trenutku mogoče govoriti le o »začasni skupnosti« ali »kontrajavnosti v nastajanju,« saj je festival svoji notranji funkciji povsem zadostil, zunanji pa v precej manjši meri, kot bi si želele. Kljub temu sem ga označila za primer dobre prakse, ki bi lahko koristil drugim samoorganiziranim skupinam, ki skušajo doseči »nemogoče«: delovati vključujoče, ne da bi za to morale opustiti ali prikrivati svojo politično identiteto. To je bil tudi glavni razlog, zakaj sem se odločila za objavo intervjujev. Z njim je bilo povezano zavedanje, da je v Sloveniji izšlo zelo malo del, v katerih bi o delovanju manjšinskih javnosti razpravljali ljudje, ki jih dejansko ustvarjajo; zadnje s področja feminizma je bil zbornik Kako smo hodile v feministično gimnazijo (2002), ki se je osredotočil na kontrajavnosti iz osemdesetih let. Tudi iz njega je mogoče razbrati, da je za feministične kontrajavnosti bolj kot predpostavljena ideološka enotnost pomembno to, da aktivistkam zagotovijo varen prostor, v katerem je mogoče izmenjati še tako konfliktne poglede, še pred tem pa sklepati nova poznanstva. Intervjuvanke so kot najpomembnejši element Rdečih zor namreč izpostavile prav možnost druženja v »sproščenem,« celo »evforičnem« in »karnevalskem« festivalskem vzdušju.


[1]  Tea Hvala (ur.), Rdečke razsajajo! Intervjuji z organizatorkami feminističnega in kvirovskega festivala Rdeče zore, KUD Mreža, Ljubljana, 2010, str. 87.
[2]  Tanja Lesničar Pučko, »Manj o tem, kaj, in bolj o tem, kako«, Borec, let. 59, št. 639-643, 2007, str. 83.
[3]  Nancy Fraser, »Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy«, Social Text, št. 25-26, 1990, str. 68, moj prevod.
[4]  Bratko Bibič, Hrup z Metelkove, Mirovni inštitut, Ljubljana, 2003, str. 89.
[5]  Rdečke razsajajo!, str. 13.
[6]  Nav. delo, str. 14.
[7]  Rdečke razsajajo!, str. 25, moj prevod.
[8]  Rada Iveković, »An Epistemological Exercise in Political Translation: Feminism, Nation and State in Knowledge Production since 1989«, spletna objava, (27.10.2011)moj prevod.
[9]  Francesca Polletta, »'Free Spaces' in Collective Action«, Theory and Society, let. 28, št. 1, 1999, str. 1, moj prevod.
[10]  Hrup z Metelkove, str. 7.
[11]  Nav. delo, str. 69.
[12]  Steve Pile, »Introduction: Opposition, Political Identities and Spaces of Resistance«, v: Michael Keith, Steve Pile (ur.), Geographies of Resistance, Routledge, London, 1997, str. 30, moj prevod.
[13]  V zborniku Rdečke razsajajo! (2010) sem objavila izbor ustnih intervjujev, ki sem jih leta 2009 opravila s sedemnajstimi sodelavkami festivala Rdeče zore (Alja Bebar, Anna Ehrlemark, Mirjana Frank, Danaja Grešak, Ana Grobler, Jasmina Jerant, Ana Jereb, Anja Kocman, Jadranka Ljubičič, Urška Merc, Slađana Mitrović, Lidija Radojević, Nataša Serec, Tanja Škander, Suzana Tratnik, Daša Tepina in Vesna Vravnik). Podrobneje sem jih obravnavala v članku »The Red Dawns Festival as a Feminist-Queer Counterpublic«, Monitor ISH, let. 12, št. 1, 2010, str. 7-107.
[14]  Nav. delo, str. 27, moj prevod.
[15]  Donna Haraway, Modest_Witness@Second_Millennium. FemaleMan©_Meets_Onco Mouse ™: Feminism and Technoscience, Routledge, New York, 1997, str. 37, avtoričin poudarek,  moj prevod.
[16]  Nav. delo, str. 43.
[17]  Nav. delo, str. 19.
[18]  Nav. delo, str. 34.
[19]  Nav. delo, str. 78.
[20]  Nav. delo, str. 51.
[21]  Prav tam.
[22]  Nav. delo, str. 86, moj prevod.
[23]  Nav. delo, str. 73.
[24]  Nav. delo, str. 19.
[25]  Prav tam.
[26]  Nav. delo, str. 73.
[27]  AKC Metelkova mesto, »Metelkova je tudi tvoje mesto!«, spletni vir, (27.10.2011).
[28]  Rdečke razsajajo!, str. 86, moj prevod.
[29]  Nav. delo, str. 74.
[30]  Nav. delo, str. 27.
[31]  Prav tam.
[32]  'When We Move, It's a Movement!' Rdeče Zore Festival as a Feminist-Queer Counterpublic ['Ko se premaknemo, nastane gibanje!' Festival Rdeče zore kot feministično-queerovska kontrajavnost], Univerza v Utrechtu/Fakulteta za podiplomski humanistični študij ISH, Utrecht/Ljubljana, 2010.

16. mar. 2012

Futurist Writing School - Stories from Utrecht 2032

Following on the rich history of feminist utopian and speculative fiction practices that conjured new relationships, languages and agencies for transgressing structural and invisible forces of subjugation, Utrecht's Casco Gallery organised The Futurist Writing School, a week-long workshop in collective writing that ran within and alongside the closing events of the Grand Domestic Revolution

I ran the introductory workshop on February 21st 2012. We played Exquisite Corpse and some other Surrealist writing games.The games were applied also to some of the following writing sessions. The final collectively written and edited monster-piece is going to be included in the GDR project catalogue, scheduled for release later this year.
 
The Exquisite Corpses below were written on February 21st by Marina Vishmidt, Abäke (Patrick Lacey), Binna Choi, Maiko Tanaka, Katayoun, Aileen Burns, Allison Guy, Serena Lee, Johan Lundh, Silvia Simoncelli, Tea Hvala, Freyja van den Boom, Yolande van der Heide and Marielle Verdijk.


 
Miffy I

Where is Miffy? On the shore of a cold and unfamiliar sea that day by day is reaching further into The Netherlands. Today the icy water is lapping at the door of the house that Miffy has always called home. She knew this day was coming and that her plans for starting a new life, in a new community, would be put into action but it was surreal nonetheless.

Miffy finally manages to step away from the window to finish packing all of the food and seeds that she has promised to bring with her. For the past two years she has been collecting and storing the life-giving cores of everything she has anticipated she would need for this journey. She had heard of a land far away where she was worshipped as an anthropomorphic talisman, an island where she would be welcome. What could be expected from such a place that celebrated her simple life and ways?

There were no two ways about it; now was the time to embark on the journey to the new Atlantis. Here, Miffies were not only revered as gods, but were actually endowed of divine powers owing to the special climate which made everything easy and enchanting. Besides, the gravity was very minimal at that sea level and had gotten even weaker due to centuries underwater. The very advanced Mermaid scientific researchers were about to make a breakthrough in eliminating this nefarious force altogether. This much Miffy had learned when booking her trip to the new Atlantis through Wikipedia.

Miffy arrived there one balmy afternoon, stepping delicately off a single-propeller aircraft operated by her wealthy older boyfriend, Tex. She was dumbstruck to find the whole seafront full of giant images of her, as if the simple natives had not waited for her arrival in order to set-up their cult. She wondered if they might be afraid of her and Tex? Should they be? She hesitated to answer her own question.

Atlantis, finally. But didn’t it look a bit like Utrecht back in 2032? No, it couldn’t be. She shook the feeling away. Miffy hated Utrecht.


Miffy II
With the flooding of Utrecht in 2019, Dick Bruna (kept alive through being cryogenically frozen – his hands and brain transplanted to a cloned version of himself in 2016) now works from the UFO embedded in the church building. Miffy, for his (its?) whole life had been two dimensional but with developments in bioengineering has now been rendered as a living mascot of the city, the museum has expanded and is now the main reason for anyone to visit this floating city. An ambassador of vegetarianism, Miffy is also an advocate of meat, grown in labs for human consumption. Though extremely expensive because of its high maintenance during its development, it provides nutrients to an underfed population.

His/her dual status as a human and as a bio-form grown unnaturally might suggest that his firm position on animal rights would extend to the biological material and clones that make his life possible but Miffy has yet to find a way to deal with this “internal” conflict. Now the time has come for Miffy to make a decision: to clone or not to clone him/herself.

Miffy was old and growing weaker every day. By cloning him/herself, Miffy could live to see the 2048 mission to the Andromeda galaxy as the first post-gender astronaut. But by not cloning him/herself, Miffy would be able to retire, and live a nice relaxed life, until he/she died ... So Miffy was faced with not just a biological or rather, biomorphic dilemma, but a genuine moral dilemma. Prolonging her life would mean giving hope to thousands of other half-real half-imaginary creatures to perform the same somersault into reality that she once did, but she could not really justify it to herself, as she was really very tired and longed to have time to think in 2-dimensions. One day, while consuming a variety of versions of herself in the Dick Bruna Museum gift shop, Miffy suddenly felt dizzy.

Her broker called: “Miffy?”
“Oh ...”
“Miffy, this is Stephan from Axis.”
“Oh, I don't feel well ... Can I help you? Oh ...”
“Sorry.”



Where did the blue seeds migrate?

I. Sara’s Migrane
After the toxins evaporated form the dandelions, the almost extinct Utrecht honeybees grabbed and bundled as much of the discoloured seeds as they could and took off! We haven’t seen them for days and poor people in the city forgot about the blue seed phenomenon and went on with their everyday activities. Deep in the canal at the bottom of the Oudegracht a seaweed was gloving, also a similar blue tone.

The Oudegracht seaweed shone through the water, sending out messages in different shades of blue, but nobody seemed to hear her calls – until one day, a very depressed, deeply troubled and blue precarious cultural worker stopped by. Sara, the cultural worker, leaned on the rail and started rolling a cigarette when, for a second only, she was blinded by the light coming from the water. She covered her fourth eye, the so-called post-toxic eye, to protect herself. But the seaweed shone through her palm!

“What do you want?” she shouted into the canal.

But the seaweed only illuminated the water source more! Her interrogations only seemed to perpetuate the rapid spread in the canal. Could it be that Utrecht’s hydrology plan was hanging desperately at its wits end? That mere yelling or spoken word would become the energy source for the seaweed? Dumbfound, with eyebrows arched up high, she recalled the architectural plan than was proposed twenty years back in the height of what Utrecht’s citizens then deemed a “Grand Domestic Revolution”.

There was a plan for a floating boathouse which would be fuelled in its levitation by the photosynthetic processes inspired by mind-tropical coastal vegetation. Sara started wistfully into her poly-plastithene cup of blue-goo, the anti-anti-oxidant beverage her homoeopath had recommended for the fourth-eye migraines.

Before they’d divorced, Sara had had to endure endless rehearsed product design pitches by Melissa, in her singular re-brand campaign to use blue dye, that cerulean-teal pigment unique to the combination of Randstad algae and melted Micronesian cell-transistor chips. Melissa was convinced that the blue dye, which never caught on would cure Sara’s fourth eyes migraine. But it only intensified, worsened the pain. Despite the vision and knowledge, she could not finish her plan for a floating boathouse. It was almost perfect. The plan was based on the existing living habit of boat people …


II. Vigration
“Where did the blue seeds migrate?”
“What the hell is that supposed to mean?”
“I think she means ‘vibrate’”.
“What is a ‘migrate’?”
“I don't know. I've never heard that word before. I guess it's a verb.”
“… no, I’ve heard it before. It’s almost like the verb ‘vigrate’, I think that’s why you’re confused.”
“Vigrate; that’s already quite archaic, no? What is that – to shift solid states in order to be transported, to commute through state-shifting, via unofficial channels, or highways …?”
“Highways … those were like roads, really long roads, right? Were they high up? Is that why they're called – ?”
“I don't get it, when did they use ‘vigrate’? Where did people go? Why would you want to shift states, officially or unofficially? I mean, I’ve read about transportation, like the Tube, or whatever, but I still don’t understand why …”

Igor and Isabel were confused, confronting the word they never heard of: “vibrate”. You, readers who’ve settled here through vibration may not remember that Igor, Isabel, Sara, Chulsoo and Mohammed were the very you. Since ‘vibration’ means a total transformation through the increasingly trembling day and days …

What does it mean to be “settled”, you readers may ask? In a time when transportation is no longer how you knew it. Igor and Isabel are also new to this. But Sara and Mohammed are eager to get going on the state-shifting channels and maybe even get a little rowdy! Chulsoo is well aware of the difference between the pairs and decides to make an intervention. You see, “vibration” and “vigration” both came out of the word “migration” and that is something only Chulsoo knows. When migrant labourers in The Netherlands started building the new state-shifting channels for the island city of Utrecht, Chulsoo also worked at one of the vibration intersections, so he knew what he was talking about.

The total transformation of transportation did not only see human beings as a mesh of electromagnetic flesh waves, it perceived both legal aliens and those without papers in the same way, through the same sensory apparatus. And so, distinctions between migrant or non-migrant, between aliens or domestic became irrelevant.

The mechanism was a conclusive paradox in its own right, that is for a long time it was understood that aliens could never be legal, as implied in the term. A population of non-minorities, non-marginalized would create a super-race, one that shared labour equality and honoured domestic chores ensuring that within a working day, time was put aside for domestic work and child rearing.



III. Oracle Danikal
Given the refrigeration development of the last twenty years, the Utrecht-Amsterdam-Rotterdam conurbation was in pretty bad shape. Not only did the piles of trash, gathering in the canals stink of rotten organic vegetables, the fresh vegetables that grew locally from barely fertile ground stank as well. Something had to be done, especially since the climate changes did not bring the promised level of cold.

Barbara Vlees rolled up her sleeves and exclaimed: “Damned right, something has to be done! A floating garden, networking balconies like in the times of The Grand Domestic Revolution is surely the resolution!”

Hot-headed with excitement she meandered her bicycle to Utrecht City, blocking her nose the whole time to protect herself from the city’s stench. Upstairs she climbed, rummaging through tons of paper in search of the floating garden blueprint, a proposal that was once rejected by the municipality on the grounds that it did not follow the code for its use: the abundant but not explicitly obscene use of the colour orange.

Since the cuts, visual and chromatic pollution had been under considerable fire. It might have had something to do with the fact that nutrition-obsessed pet owners were uniformly buying into the beta-carotene craze, feeding terriers and hedgehogs alike, steaming piles of orange mush which would in turn end up on the pavements and lawns as digested steaming orange piles.

Barbara scowled and checked the soles of her shoes as a force of habit, heading into the cold zone, fingers gripping the handlebars of her bike, protesting the sudden artificial shift in temperature. Property taxes in the upper-upper-upper class Wijken have been funnelled towards the Buurt Koelen movement: a neighbourhood refrigeration to freeze the stench of rotting trash until disposal collection started again.

Well, we forgot about – or is it kind of a subconscious repression – that we ate all our lovely dogs and cats and then went to watch them die. Yeah, we chose to eat them. What was great about that was that we created a giant camp-fire as we also had to maximize our ability to generate fire. All of us threw our pets into the fire at once. Hundreds of dogs and cats were in and around the fire. You might say it’s barbarian, gross, cruel, repulsive but for us, it was also a state of exhalation. Despite such cold temperature outside, people started tearing off their clothes. We all got naked but magically nobody saw it.

This new social ritual became all the rage but the Animal Rights Party of the Netherlands was fuming with the total selfishness of humans, disregarding their interrelationship with animals. However, within the new party there was the recently elected secretary who was – little did they know – an oracle of ecology. It was within this party that Oracle Danikal infiltrated their decision by using her magical ability to make people change their minds by the minute by feeding them a special concoction of Nutella.

The Nutella would be the answer to the cold temperatures but it would have to brew for another twenty years before it had any effect. In the mean time, she happily kept feeding her party and observed the schizophrenic changes in society, waiting for the time to come when the ecological answer would be fully fermented.


IV. Empathy Soup
In 2032 in the city of Utrecht, finally a new coalition government is created, consisting of seventy-four parties. These parties include the Banana Trees Delicious, Sea Marina Fish Shell, Fahion Bastard, Damn Old Green Links, DogFoxDolphin, Casco, NoGender Party, Vienamesenoodle Soup, Many Money Monkey, Rainbow Kangaroo, and so on, and so on. All these parties are formed according to a shared rhythm of living which is changing in an improvised yet organized manner, so shifts and adjustments are a natural part of their operations.

Three years ago, all the currencies were destroyed and the Temporary Army of Fantastic Life was created. The president cleaner of the Rainbow Kangaroo Party thought this would be a prime moment to throw a convivial event, a party for parties but where could such an event take place so that all the members would feel relaxed and open? At the same time, the Vietnamese Noodle soup party and The Fashion Bastard party were already looking up a recipe for a collective soup inspired by the recent alliances; an unique recipe for stimulating empathy but spicy enough to instigate.

While the Empathy Soup was holding and sending its delicious smell all over town like seductive tentacles, the supporters of the Casco party were already cleaning an abandoned front yard and decorating it for the party to which all the seventy-four coalition parties were invited. The main decoration element were the empathic and self-sacrificing Banana Tree Delicious Party members. The Fashion Bastard party members accepted the role of the host. They were supervised by the Rainbow Kangarros since, as we all know, their fashion taste is far better than that of the Fashion Bastards.

The celebratory moment was not the conventional kind. Indeed the Fashion Bastard in glamorous pink would be sap to realize that he wasn’t aptly dressed for the occasion. The Casco Party was taking this occasion to introduce a new referendum to the city architecture design. We raised our glasses to toast the occasion (it was important because the parties could seldom gather without breaking into violence) and the Casco Party proposed that we transform our yards into vegetable gardens.

A white SUV rolled up and there was a unanimously shared gasp of indignant shock. SUVs in the parade were so last year. The front doors open simultaneously and two veiled goons emerged, opening the back doors for their veiled occupants to step out. They threw jewelled fingers in the air simultaneously and the front door popped open revealing a rolled-out barbecue, powered by a midget on a station bike.

The party members staggered. This was accompanied by the sound of bass and synthesized drums which seemed to emanate from the SUV’s while leather interior. The Fashion Bastards co-leader leaned on his colleague who muttered a secular prayer under her breath. Could this be the nature of the large, already forgotten PVVVVCV party? The shadow administration behind free eggs and dairy which had revealed itself to be a hoax and actually a massive protein conspiracy ...


V. Where the Children Go to Play
If you took the time to play on the banks of the canal they used to call the Oudegracht (a canal that cut the city of the Utrecht in half; creating halves of those that believed in a Grand Domestic Revolution and those who repelled it) my nostalgia will resonate with you. You will remember a “miffie” plain where girls with blond plaits skipped around its statue and the Ekko dance bar whose noise level would elevate on Thursday student nights. But then, when the noise laws came into effect after the sustainability act took hold, “resonance” took on a whole different meaning.

The first dam that broke was the most lethal; it was widely accepted that most of the victims never heard it coming. Since then, we have seen a major shift in daily surveillance mounting to accommodate this need for “sonic disclosure”. Listening for the flood has become a national obsession! Indeed, it has been the reason that Kanaleneisland was instituted after the former Netherlands was either submerged with the remaining provinces receding them from the European Union, effectively becoming an island with minimum economic or geographic ties to the rest.

Well, we cannot but talk about our almost sublime awe of the transformed Kanaleneisland. All these slab prefab houses were then pillars for the new giant housing complex. Those prefab houses are there for all kinds of fish-monster friends who emerged in the last decades after children started to be eaten by the fish monsters. But mothers and fathers developed the sense to live with and even enjoy this occasional cannibalism!

The interesting thing was that most parents and residents of Kanaleneisland did not know whereas the children and monster fish knew very well what was inside the bellies of the fish: there, a new architecture was being formed! All of a sudden, the children started building constructions from the bones of the fish to make their own playhouses, sandboxes, bicycles and rooms for taking naps as the internally transforming fish started swimming up the canal.

The surviving humans who still lived on land thought they were witnessing a scene from The Bible! (a canonical Catholic text, last seen stuck between a giant eel’s gills). They thought the large fish were whales who swallowed Jonah’s clones! Of course, our readers know better: the fish were the most elaborate, playful and magical architecture ever seen. It was organic, it was self-sustainable, it was slick, waterproof and aerodynamic. At the same time, it meant that Holland did not have to bother building new artificial islands as the fish houses populated the watery areas only. The kids loved it – at least until the fish became hungry ... The parents loved it too: the new fish-cannibalistic ecosystem allowed them to procreate without limits, without responsibility as they could simply reload their newborns into the fish.



What will happen once we are finished writing our sentences?

I. Maureen
Maureen was a bit nervous because it was the first time she was taking part in a group interview for renting a room in a collective apartment building. It was the first time that people would have to touch each others’ hair-implants and other physical abnormalities, but that’s the way it goes with collective apartment buildings based on physical features. She also could have chosen a collective based on hobbies like painting or growing edible fruit trees. Hopefully there would be enough middle aged divorced men with boring jobs to keep her from having sex all the time.

Maureen preferred the indigo tattoos of the girls down at the demolition disco, not this sorry heap of washed-up humanity. Not that Maureen was such a gorgeous example herself. A botched surgery five years ago left her with a few extra fingers and one eye which played only a Spanish sport channel. She sighed. No way her insurance would cover that mistake. The superintendent of the building called her name: “Maureen de Leeuw”.

She decided to go to the porn disco, where everyone is less interested in appearance but more so in having sex on nice melodies. What a way out of this collective visibility into anonymous collectivity. Life is better. People are less judgemental at the porn disco. They believe in a classless society and don’t feel the urge to mispronounce each others names. What a relief to have this corner in society. It could also become a part of the squat culture as it was in the old days. But squatters went nuts.

She could have lived in a squat forever, that’s what she thought when she was younger. But the decision to become vegetarian had made her an outsider in the group immediately. Meat smugglers – that’s what the squatter have become in the last twenty years, at least since the cold era had started and all of Europe had become frozen landscape.


II. The Duchess of Cabbage
What happens after we finish writing these sentences? There, we find a funny figure with a nerve coming out of its right arm. It's not a woman nor a man. Do we fit in there? There is not enough space. The figure is upset but remains funny, like a bunny. It's a way of being. We have to keep writing, otherwise we are lost. We decide to leave the trench to find a nice steak to eat. But all of Europe is covered in ice.

And all cows are rapidly extinguishing. It happened to mammoths hundred thousands of years ago. We are fed up with eating musk and lichens anyway. When I wake up at night my mouth retains the flavor of my dreams, roasted fish or pork. So funny, I can define it so well even though I haven't eaten such food for at least ten years now.

Cooking root vegetables became my speciality, making sculptures of pigs heads or chicken out of mashed Jerusalem artichokes and turnips. Becoming the queen of silver onions, the duchess of cabbage, the crown princess of mushrooms that tasted slightly of meat.

Mealtimes in New Utrecht – Newtrecht in short – were short, cold and rotten. The priests prayed for the return of the reindeer, at least, but everyone knew that they had gone the way of the cows and mammoths. Newtrecht was lucky to have a few men remaining, unlike Rottingdam or Scramsterdam, where people only eat stuff that upset their stomach.

Banana-eating people were dying slowly. We should have better health insurance and security system for banana-eating people.

The lady in red came down the stairs. The masochists feared for their life. They only had a management education and knew nothing about the subtleties of a queen bee. They were hiding behind each chair to protect their own lifeless souls.

The funny figure developed a nerve out of its right arm.


III. Big Green One
What will happen once we are finished writing our sentences? When we finish our sentences we might as well take our clothes off and go outside. The wind will put goosebumps on our legs and we will have to hurry to find a good Turkish sauna. Fortunately, bugs will save us from freezing if we are not able to find one, by covering our arms and legs with a soft, downy coat of warm antennae and vibrating wings. We are certainly grateful that the city government decided to genetically engineer the bees, mosquitoes and butterflies to be such charming creatures.

We are accompanied to the sauna in a gauzy haze of transparent insect bodies. Once we slip into the water, I watch my partner flush red with pleasure. A finger-sized fish swims up to his elbow and begins to pick off flakes of dead skin. After a day of such high emotion, it is a pleasure for all involved to be able retreat in a Turkish sauna.

We decided to go and eat steak, where there is one. This town had run out of steaks. No meat allowed! The only marginal spaces where one can eat meat nowadays is in a squat. What is going on with this world today? How do we define space between life and work? What is Europa without an ice sheet? No more than a melodramatic guerilla enclave with narcissistic ideas about concepts such as autonomy.

The confusion in my mind was mounting. I desperately needed that steak. I couldn’t make up a proper sentence any longer. Just questions I wasn’t able to find answers for. I checked my pill-box. Maybe there were still some animal protein pills in there which could cover for 10-15 minutes of my brain activity so I could reach the closest squat without going completely crazy.

There was the last Big Green One who would last me another three hours at least, so I could even spend some time in the paper library, this special place, almost impossible to enter because of harsh anti-insect rules, and let my brain work for a while on the Big Green One.


IV. The Goons
The goons were coming. We didn’t have much time for school work. The teacher urged us to complete our sentences, but I didn’t feel up to it. My barge was waiting outside our guerilla educational enclave, and I was more than eager to get the engine humming and get my ass outside. If the bombs started falling …

They never fall straight out of the sky. They are strategically falling around you. They creep up on your town, and like cancer cells they multiply. It’s a strange tactic. It’s a faceless ideology to throw bombs. But my ass was going to be saved. I knew it. This system is corrupt!

My guerilla education enclave saved me in the end. The goons are in now way supportive, but miserable. We have to be honest about the situation, we have to face the goons. Sooner or latter it was going to be the time. I know I am not alone.

I have my classmates. I can rely on them. Our guerilla education has made us into a tight and at the same time independent community. We have developed some special skills. After long training, we can now communicate with our minds alone. Even being very far away the one another we know what we are at, what we are thinking. We even started tuning into plants and trees so we could translate what they were seeing around them and transforming it into images projected on walls that we would paint as little screen all around the city. Mini-cinemas to see where the goons were and if we could still beat them at tennis. We pair up, put up the net and prepare our rackets.

My ass was grass. There was no escape barge now. Reluctantly I removed my trans-cyber-reifying racket from its case. Those goons were about to get a dose of feminist theory, served up on the wings of a little fussy green ball. I saw the goons marching through the nibble of the galactagarian church. Sweat ran down my cheeks. We were prepared.

Fuad Sanad.